Archive for July, 2007

Urgent Action in Oaxaca

man killed in protestProtesters and police clashed again this week in Oaxaca. Ten thousand protesters (APPO, community members, teachers, and others) took to the streets to demand a non-commercially ran version of the traditional Guelaguetza festival. They hoped to enter the Guelaguetza auditorium but police stopped them with tear gas, arrests, and violence. Monday’s clashed lasted for three hours and APPO claims that protests will continue this weekend during the planned Guelaguetza festival. For news coverage, refer to these news articles from the BBC and Noticias. I also suggest this thorough post at The Mex Files that contemplates the complexities of this situation. Below is an Urgent Action put out by the Oaxaca Solidarity Network.

URGENT ACTION
A NEW ESCALATION OF POLICE REPRESSION AGAINST THE POPULAR MOVEMENT OF OAXACA

Guelaguetza protestThis Monday, June 16th at approximately 11:30am personnel of the Municipal police, Federal Preventative Police, Banking and Industrial Police confronted members of the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO) and teachers of the National Syndicate of Education Workers (SNTE) section 22 with tear gas and rocks in an effort to stop them from entering the Guelaguetza auditorium, located on the Fortín Hill in Oaxaca City. Members of the APPO and SNTE section 22 are participants of this popular Oaxaquen festival.

In this confrontation, the diverse police force brutally beat teachers and others participating in the manifestation. In addition, the police threw tear gas at commercial establishments, private homes, and public buildings. Moreover, during this violent escalation newspaper reporters and photo journalists were injured. Among them being employees of Reforma, Las Noticias, and Marca y Tiempo who were giving coverage of the fierce blows given by the police to those manifesting. Unofficially the media mentions the arrest of 7 APPO sympathizers who caused damage at the Plaza Fortín Hotel.

These violent acts are being carried out as a security measure for the state government’s “Guelaguetza 2007″ by means of surrounding the Fortín Hill with personnel of the Mexican Army, Federal Preventative Police, Federal Agency of Investigation, Preventative Police and the Oaxaquen Municipal Police. This coordinated operative of the Secretary of Civil Protection was done to prevent the celebration of the Popular Guelaguetza, which is put on by the APPO and Section 22 of the SNTE Teacher’s Union. This is in spite of the fact that the State government declared days before that it had absolute respect for the celebration of the Guelaguetza Popular.

We consider that this act is just one example of the deliberate provocations by the governor against the Popular Assembly of the Oaxacan People. Moreover, it is an ominous sign of the inability to dialogue, which has again resulted in the irrational use of the public force.

We demand the following:

-An immediate end to the police repression and the harassment of those involved in the Oaxacan Social/Popular movement
-We condemn the government’ action to indiscriminately use federal and police force.
-We put the responsibility upon the state and federal government to register the arbitrary detainment or disappearances of those participating in the manifestations

Oaxaca de Juárez, 16 de Julio de 2007

ESPACIO DE ORGANIZACIONES CIVILES DE OAXACA
NETWORK OF CIVIL ORGANIZATIONS OF OAXACA

WE ASK YOU TO SEND FAXES, E-MAILS TO THE FOLLOWING (AND PLEASE NOTE THE “WHAT TO DO” SECTION IMMEDIATELY BELOW FOR ADDITIONAL ACTIONS):

Presidente FELIPE DE JESÚS CALDERÓN HINOJOSA
Residencia Oficial de los Pinos Casa Miguel Alemán
Col. San Miguel Chapultepec, C.P. 11850, México DF
Tel: +52 (55) 27891100
Fax: +52 (55) 52772376
felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx

Licenciado Francisco Javier Ramírez Acuña,
Secretario de Gobernación,
Bucareli 99, 1er. piso, Col. Juárez,
Delegación Cuauhtémoc, México D.F., C.P. 06600, México,
Fax: +52 (55) 5093 3414
frjramirez@segob.gob.mx

Dr. José Luis Soberanes Fernández
Presidente de la CNDH
Periférico Sur 3469, Col.
San Jerónimo Lídice,
10200, México, D.F.
Tel: 631 00 40, 6 81 81 25
Fax: 56 81 84 90
Lada sin costo: 01 800 00 869
correo@fmdh.cndh.org.mx
correo@cndh.org.mx,

WHAT TO DO:
• Contact your local representatives and Mexican consuls and inform them of your concern about the recent repression by government forces in Oaxaca. Ask them to contact local Mexican consuls and national Mexican authorities (listed below).
Please also send appeals to official addresses below (by fax is most effective) to arrive as quickly as possible, in Spanish or your own language, making the following points:

1. Members of the recent Oaxaca Solidarity Network/Rights Action Emergency Human Rights Delegations can point out that they recently heard repeated testimonies of torture, forced confessions, and arbitrary detentions, and that they demand the immediate release of all political prisoners.
2. Express your concern for the well-being of all Oaxacan political prisoners.
3. Call for a prompt, impartial and thorough investigation into the illegal detentions of people engaged in peaceful protest, for findings to be published, and for those responsible to be brought to justice.
4. Remind the authorities that they have a duty to carry out an independent and impartial investigation into the alleged fabrication of charges against political prisoners, with the results to be made public.

SEND APPEALS TO MEXICAN GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS LISTED AT THE BOTTOM OF THIS E-MAIL…

MORE ON WHAT YOU CAN DO:
• A fundamental element to work in favor of global justice, equality and the environment is to fund and support local organizations that are leading their own struggles in defense and promotion of development, the environment and human rights.
• Get involved in education and activism work in your home community concerning the negative impacts of North American investors and hydro-electric and mining policies on community-controlled development, the environment and the human rights of local populations in Oaxaca.
• Consider coming in on one of OSN’s Human Rights/Educational-Activist Delegations and meet with victims of the repression, local human rights groups, leaders of the popular movement, local political and business leaders, and to visit local indigenous communities to learn about vital social, economic and political issues.
• Invite us to give educational presentations in your home community.
• Get on our e-mail list and visit our website for news updates, delegation announcements and more.

TAX-DEDUCTIBLE DONATIONS: You can make donations to Oaxaca Solidarity Network by making a check payable to “Rights Action”. Please write “FOR OSN” in the memo space and mail to: UNITED STATES: Box 50887, Washington DC, 20091-0887 ;
CANADA: 509 St.Clair Ave W, box73527, Toronto ON, M6C-1C0.
CREDIT-CARD DONATIONS:
www.rightsaction.org . Please note that the donation is for Oaxaca Solidariy Network.
QUESTIONS: info@oaxacasolidarity.org

URGENT ACTION ADDRESSES:
U.S.:
Ambassador Carlos Alberto De Icaza Gonzalez
Embassy of Mexico
1911 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
Washington DC 20006
Fax: 1 202 728 1698

MÉXICO:

President:
Lic. Felipe Calderon Hinojosa
Presidente de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos
Residencia Oficial de ”Los Pinos”, Casa Miguel Aleman
Col. San Miguel Chapultepec
Mexico D.F., C.P. 11850, MEXICO
Fax: 011 52 55 52772376 felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx
Salutation: Senor Presidente/Dear President Calderon

Minister of the Interior:
Lic. Francisco Ramirez Acuña
Secretario de Gobernacion, Secretaria de Gobernacion
Bucareli 99, 1er. piso, Col. Juarez, Delegacion Cuauhtemoc,
Mexico D.F., C.P.06600, MEXICO
Fax: 011 52 55 5093 3414
Salutation: Dear Minister/Estimado Secretario
No e-mail, please send fax.

Minister of Public Security:
Lic. Eduardo Medina-Mora Icaza
Procurador General de la Republica
Paseo de la Reforma #211-213 Cuactemoc Mexico D.F. C.P. 06500
Colonia Juarez, Delegacion Cuauhtemoc,
Mexico DF. C.P. 06600, Mexico
Fax: 011 52 55 5241 8393
Salutation: Dear Minister/Estimado Secretario
To send e-mails online: http://pgr.gob.mx/index.asp

President of National Human Rights Comisión
Dr. José Luis Soberanes Fernández
Periférico Sur 3469, Col San Jerónimo Lídice, CP 10200, México, D.F.

Governor of Oaxaca:
Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
Gobernador del Estado de Oaxaca
Carretera Oaxaca - Puerto Angel, Km. 9.5
Santa Maria Coyotopec, C. P. 71254
Oaxaca
Oaxaca, MEXICO E -mail: gobernador@oaxaca.gob.mx
Fax: 011 52 951 511 6879 (if someone answers, say ”me da tono de fax, por favor”)
Salutation: Senor Gobernador/Dear Governor

COPIES TO:

President of the Oaxaca State Human Rights Commission:
Dr. Jaime Perez Jimenez
Presidente de la Comision Estatal
Calle de los Derechos Humanos no. 210
Colonia America, C.P. 68050
Oaxaca
Oaxaca, Mexico
Fax: 011 52 951 503 0220

Please send appeals immediately. Thank you for your solidarity and support.

The Case of the Jena Six

From Democracy Now:
A troubling story of race in America today…

The Case of the Jena Six: Black High School Students Charged with Attempted Murder for Schoolyard Fight After Nooses Are Hung from Tree
Rush Transcript:

AMY GOODMAN: Jena is a small town nestled deep in the heart of Central Louisiana. Until recently, you may well never have heard of it. But this rural town of less than 4,000 has become a focal point in the debate around issues of race and justice in this country.

Last December, six black students at Jena High School were arrested after a school fight in which a white student was beaten and suffered a concussion and multiple bruises. The six black students were charged with attempted second-degree murder and conspiracy. They face up to 100 years in prison without parole.

The Jena 6, as they have come to be known, range in age from fifteen to seventeen. Just over a week ago, an all-white jury took less than two days to convict seventeen-year-old Mychal Bell, the first of the Jena 6 to go on trial. He was convicted of aggravated battery and conspiracy charges and now faces up to twenty-two years in prison. Black residents say race has always been an issue in Jena, which is 85% white and that the charges against the Jena 6 are no exception.

The origins of the story can be traced back to early September, when a black high school student requested permission to sit under a tree in the schoolyard, where usually only white students sat. The next day, three nooses were found hanging from the tree.

Democracy Now! correspondent Jacquie Soohen has more on the story from Jena.

JESSE BEARD: Black girls over there, black boys right here. Some black people standing right — a couple. All the band geeks right there. White folks under the tree. And then you might — it’s like…

JACQUIE SOOHEN: Jesse Beard, a freshman in high school and one of Jena 6, took us to where the nooses were hung.

JESSE BEARD: One day, I just wanted to — maybe the first, second day, we started riding the bus, me and Robert. And we came through, and I seen something hanging there. I told Robert. He looked at it. He’s like, “Them nooses right there.” He was getting mad. Everybody was getting — I started getting mad. By the time everybody came, they was trying to cut them down.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: Robert Bailey, seventeen years old and a safety receiver for the school football team, is another of the Jena 6 facing life behind bars. He described his reaction to the nooses.

ROBERT BAILEY: It was in the early morning. I seen them hanging. I’m thinking the KKK, you know, were hanging nooses. They want to hang somebody. Real nooses, the ones you see on TV are the kind of nooses they were, the ones they play in the movies and they were hanging all the people, you know, and the thing dropped, those were the kind of nooses they were. I know it was somebody white that hung the nooses in the tree. You know, I don’t know another way to put it, but, you know, I was disappointed, because, you know, we do little pranks — you know, toilet paper, that’s a prank, you know what I’m saying? Paper all over the square, all the pranks they used to do, that’s pranks. Nooses hanging there — nooses ain’t no prank.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: The school’s superintendent dismissed the nooses as a prank, and after three days’ suspension, the three white students who hung the nooses were allowed back to school. Caseptla Bailey, Robert’s mother, said the school did not inform the parents of the incident.

CASEPTLA BAILEY: The school didn’t tell me. I didn’t know that it happened, so therefore I didn’t call to find out what happened on that particular day.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: To Caseptla Bailey, the meaning of the nooses was clear.

CASEPTLA BAILEY: It meant hatred, to the other race. It meant that “We’re going to kill you, you’re going to die.” You know, it sent a message: “This is not the place for you to sit. This is not your damn tree. Do not sit here. You know, you ought to remain in your place, know your place and stay in your place. You’re out of your boundaries.” And the first thing now that the sheriff department or that the chief of police want to say that — as well as the superintendent — one had nothing to do with the other. Now, come on now!

JACQUIE SOOHEN: Most people we spoke to in Jena’s white community, however, see no connection between the students’ charges and race. Barbara Murphy, the town librarian, claims there isn’t a race problem in Jena.

BARBARA MURPHY: We don’t have a race problem. It’s not black against white. It’s crime. The nooses? I don’t even know why they were there, what they were supposed to mean. There’s pranks all the time, of one type or another, going on. And it just didn’t seem to be racist to me.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: A few days after the nooses were hung, the entire black student body staged an impromptu demonstration, crowding underneath the tree during lunch hour. Justin Purvis, the student who first asked to sit underneath the tree, described how the protest came about.

JUSTIN PURVIS: It was like, the first beginning, in the courtyard, they said, “Y’all want to go stand under the tree?” We said, “Yeah.” They said, “If you go, I’ll go. If you go, I’ll go.” One person went, the next person went, everybody else just went.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: The school responded to the protest by calling police and the district attorney. At an assembly the same day, the District Attorney Reed Walters, accompanied by armed policeman, addressed the students. Substitute teacher Michelle Rogers, one of the few black teachers at the school, was there. She recalls the DA’s words to the assembled high schoolers.

MICHELLE ROGERS: The kids didn’t say anything. They were listening. The kids were quiet. And so, District Attorney Reed Walters, you know, proceeded to tell those kids that “I could end your lives with the stroke of a pen.” And the kids were just — it was like in awe that the district — you know, Reed Walters would tell these kids that. He held a pen in his hand and told those kids that, “See this pen in my hand? I can end your lives with the stroke of a pen.”

JACQUIE SOOHEN: A series of incidents followed throughout the fall. In October, a black student was beaten for entering a private all-white party. Later that month, a white student pulled a gun on a group of black students at a gas station, claiming self-defense. The black students wrestled the gun away and reported the incident to police. They were charged with assault and robbery of the gun. No charges were ever filed against the white students in either incident. Then, in late November, someone tried to burn down the high school, creating even more tension.

Four days later, a white student was allegedly attacked in a school fight. The victim was taken to hospital and released shortly with a concussion. He attended a school function that evening. Six black students were charged with attempted second-degree murder and conspiracy to commit murder, on charges that leave them facing between twenty and one hundred years in jail. The defendants, ranging in age from fifteen to seventeen, had their bonds set at between $70,000 and $138,000. The attack was written up in the local paper as fact, and DA Reed Walters published a statement in which he said, “When you are convicted, I will seek the maximum penalty allowed by law.”

MINISTER: We have come today to stand against what we consider to be a great evil.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: Since their arrest, the defendants’ families have been speaking out and fighting for the release of their sons. Two of the six, including Mychal Bell, who was recently convicted, were unable to make bond and have spent close to seven months in jail to date.

CASEPTLA BAILEY: No justice!

PROTESTERS: No peace!

CASEPTLA BAILEY: No justice!

PROTESTERS: No peace!

CASEPTLA BAILEY: No justice!

PROTESTERS: No peace!

JACQUIE SOOHEN: Caseptla Bailey began writing letters to state and national agencies, including the Department of Justice, immediately after the charges were filed.

CASEPTLA BAILEY: The first thing was devastation. You know, I was down when it first happened. You know, I was very devastated. I was hurt, upset, angry, mad, frustrated. You know, I had so many emotions, crying a lot of nights, you know, trying to figure out where can I go from here. You know, a lot of times when you’re backed into a corner or you’re backed into a wall, naturally you’re going to come out fighting. You know, you’re not going to — you’re either going to fall and die, or you’re going to come out fighting.

You know, I’m just sending out these letters to anyone that would have a listening ear and to anyone that, you know, I thought that might help the situation. That’s how I fight back, you know, by putting the pen to the paper.

They want to take these kids — my son, as well as all these other children — lock them up, throw away the key. You know, that’s a tradition for black males. So they want to keep that tradition going, because they want to keep institutionalized slavery alive and well.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: At a friendly pickup game of football, Caseptla’s son Robert shows off the skills that made him a star player of the high school football team. Robert was in jail for over two months before his mother was able to raise the money for her son’s bond using three pieces of property from different family members. Seventeen-year-old Robert Bailey has no criminal record.

ROBERT BAILEY: I ain’t got no criminal record, nothing. I ain’t got no probation, community service or nothing, nothing like that. The DA, he ain’t after finding the truth. That’s what a DA’s for, to after find the truth, you know, of the case. He’s just, you know, trying to put me up in a jail cell, for life. Fifty years, twenty-five to a hundred years, you can just say “forever.” Twenty years is forever, to me.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: Robert wasn’t the only one with a promising future. All of the Jena 6 were athletes, and five of the six were on the high school football team. Marcus Jones, the father of seventeen-year-old Mychal Bell, has a stack of scholarship offers for his son.

MARCUS JONES: LSU, Southern Miss, Ol’ Miss, University of New York…

JACQUIE SOOHEN: Mychal is a star running back and a strong student who is being actively scouted by a number of colleges.

MARCUS JONES: We’re not blaming the victim for the charges or none of that. The DA is a racist DA. You know, I’m not calling him out for being a racist. I’m calling him out as being a racist due to his track record. The reason we is taking a stand for our kids for what he’s not doing is right, ’cause, you know, we’re tired of it, you know, ’cause if we, you know, we sat down and lay back and let him railroad our kids, too, he’s going to continue to do that to black people in this town. You know, so we have to take a stand now. Somebody has to take a stand now. If not, he’s going to continue to fill the prisons up with black people more and more.

JACQUIE SOOHEN: Mr. Bell believes that his son is learning a valuable lesson from this experience.

MARCUS JONES: One of the best lessons that my son could learn that’s one of the best lessons: to know what it is to be black now. You know, if this don’t teach him what it is to be black now, I don’t know what will. But he’s seventeen now. You know, he’s got a lot of life left ahead of him. And the day he set foot out of jail, I’m going to tell him, I’m going to tell him again, “You know what it is to be black now. Here it is.”

JACQUIE SOOHEN: For Democracy Now!, this is Jacquie Soohen, reporting from Jena, Louisiana.

AMY GOODMAN: That piece is from an upcoming feature documentary by Big Noise Films. Mychal Bell faces up to twenty-two years in prison when he’s sentenced July 31st. The five other students await trial on charges of attempted second-degree murder and conspiracy. They face up to 100 years in jail. When we come back from break, we’ll be joined by parents of three of the Jena 6, as well as the journalist who broke the story nationally.

APPO Update

A federal court judge released 56 sympathizers and members of the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO), overturning a decision by a lower court judge. The Federal Preventive Police (PFP) arrested all 56 people during a street confrontation on August 25, 2006. Most of the arrests were indiscriminate and violent. Prisoners who were released earlier complained of sexual and physical abuse by the PFP and the prison guards. This decision absolves the ex-prisoners of any wrong-doings. Their legal team, Liga Mexicana por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos, will now fight for reparations and damages done by the government.

Below are two recent, great articles by Nancy Davies who has been reporting for the Narco News about Oaxaca since the beginning of the uprising.

The Governor of Oaxaca Is Provoking a Mini-Civil War in the State Capital
By Nancy Davies,
Posted on Sat Jun 30th, 2007 at 01:35:44 PM EST
On Friday June 29 a signed letter appeared in Noticias warning the public. Now, whether the author himself, one Patricio Solari, is acting in good faith or is himself a provocateur, I don’t know. But he outlined the plan, which we have already seen in its initial stages of the dozen or so commercial people from the zócalo area confronting the teacher APPO plantón with an ultimatum.. Solari names the ex- “chief of police” Manuel Vera Salinas, as being recruited along with other former chiefs. They would head up the selected infiltrators to be within the encampment. The former police, armed, would provoke the actual shooting – this in the middle of a zócalo occupied not only by overt partisans and teachers but also by vendors, tourists, children, and families. The infiltrators shooting into a column of marchers would incite the melee, bringing on the intervention of the ministerial police, state police, etcetera.

A Saturday Noticias article claims that the PRI is paying up to 300 pesos per youngster to fight in the expected confrontation.

Divide and conquer is an ancient strategy, and is well documented in rural Oaxaca where it’s easy to spark fights over water and land. But inside the city, where it would not be possible to target particular individuals, is another whole ballgame. Inside the zócalo on Friday I spoke to a waitress in the floundering restaurant cafe. She is young, pretty and vicious. Her words were, “we’re going to push them out”. How? I asked, since I doubt pushing is so easy, but when I referred to killing the teachers, she assured me that the APPO is armed – and the commercial people are also.

A small APPO march – apparently the APPO called off its megamarch as a show of good faith, but not everyone knew it or agreed to the cancellation – arrived at about 6:00 Friday evening. Among the first speakers was a man who identified himself as a vendor on the street Las Casas, who told the crowd that Las Casas would not participate in the attempt to dislodge the encampment, by a vote of 70% in opposition. (Las Casas is a poor street; it resembles Mexico City with its jammed sidewalks. It has been threatened with a “clean-up” because vendor stalls block entrances to shops.)

Saturday Noticias printed an article saying the attack was “suspended”. Two organizations are involved: Consejo Ciudadano para el Progresso, which was quoted as saying, “the peaceful expulsion planned for this Saturday was cancelled at the request of the governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz ‘to maintain the peace’ “. The other group, Organización Independiente de Comerciantes Establecidos (OICE) has thus far not announced their agreement with the CCP.

A spokesperson for the APPO called on the small and mid-size businesses to not fall into the “perverse game” of Ruiz Ortiz because he is trying to use honest men and women “ to fulfill his assassin’s aims”.

So we now wait to see if the current offer of the government is acceptable to resolve teacher-APPO demands. And we wait for URO’s next move.

This Week for Education in Oaxaca
By Nancy Davies,
Posted on Thu Jun 28th, 2007 at 06:42:23 PM EST

Here’s a note for comic relief: Section 59 of the teachers union has established a plantón in front of Government House in Santa María Coyotepec to demand a dialogue with the the governor, Ulises Ruiz. They want URO to attend to several of their educational demands. These demands are a direct result of taking over schools and classrooms without the normal administrative support system.

You may recall that Section 59 was a break-away group whose coming into existence was promoted and supported by URO, as a tool to fracture the Teachers Union Section 22, which had about 70,000 members when it began its 2006 strike. Section 59 peeled off maybe 2,000-5,000 of them. It was also supported and ratified by the dragon lady president of the national Teachers Union, Elba Esther Gordillo, who apparently now sells her favors to the PAN, having recently dropped the PRI as it collapses.

It seems that the Section 59 members are not reaping their just rewards. Or maybe they are.

The zócalo is occupied by teachers and the APPO, as is the Alameda, along with the usual communist hard-liners who strung up photos of Joseph Stalin.. The APPO has sent out small groups of activists to paste posters to the walls of buildings – at least where I saw them, directly north and on the pedestrian-tourist streets around the zócalo. The two varieties of poster say: “Tourists! Boycott the commercial Guelaguetza on July 23!” and “Tourists! Come to the People’s Guelaguetza July 16!”, thus indicating that the APPO’s desire is not to further hamper tourism, nor to punish the hotel and restaurant owners, but to punish the elite who make big bucks off the Guelaguetza. In past years the Guelaguetza has been the time when political lackeys came to pay their respects to the feudal lord, URO, according the Oaxaca sociologist Victor Raul Martinez.

On that same stroll I ran into a man I first met several years ago who owns a shop adjoining the zócalo. The conversation was along the lines of, He: isn’t it terrible there are no tourists. Me: tourists don’t like murderers and assassins (my creativity at work); Oaxaca must get rid of Ulises. He: ???? Me: yes, tourists favor democracy and peace (more creativity). He: you mean tourists don’t like violence? Me: bingo!, or words to that effect.

What this illustrates to me is that few commercial people assign blame to Ulises, or at least not publicly. This includes the street vendors, who are licensed by the state and now suffer bitterly from the lack of tourists. The paid propaganda assigns all blame to the teachers and/or the APPO; the APPO is depicted as violent although all 26 or so murders were committed by government thugs or police, and none by the APPO. Nor were the tortures and disappearances committed by the APPO. I tell this to a woman vendor whom I’ve known for years. She has trouble understanding. I give her money, I buy her food, I purchase yet another place mat. But she is hearing bad info from the people who control her privilege to sell.

Several people, like the bishop emeritus of Tehuantepec, this week averred that Oaxaca and most of Mexico stands at the “last opportunity” for reform of the state. Attempts by an editorial in Imparcial to smear the 43 civil organizations pushing reforms, and naming certain of their leaders to intimidate them (along with mentioning “foreign journalists” and “foreigners donating money to human rights organizations which used that money to buy arms”) have not dampened civil society’s determination. The video’s playing in the zócalo show the other side of the struggle, and in front of each television set people stand and look. That’s the true education at work this week.

I look forward to returning to Oaxaca at the end of August and throwing myself back into this issue…watching the videos that play in the zócalo and, of course, finishing my dissertation research.