Archive for the 'APPO' Category

Strike in the Zocalo, Oaxaca

I wish I was there to give you my own firsthand account. But, for now, here is a post from libcom.org.

Oaxaca in revolt again: the Zócalo reoccupied, motorway tollbooths “liberated”, roads blockaded
May 22nd, 2008 by Alan
A 21 day series of strikes and occupations by the radical Sección 22 in Oaxaca of the Mexican teachers’ union Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores en la Educación kicked off in earnest on Tuesday. As of Thursday, the strike appears to be spreading - with popular support, solidarity and an increasing volume of activity.The teachers' strike has various demands, although it's mostly calling for the freedom for all political prisoners, an end to the arrest orders and ongoing intimidation by the judicial authorities against the movement, new elections within the SNTE, and the handing over of all Oaxacan schools controlled by the pro-government Sección 59.

Sección 22 was instrumental in the 2006 revolt in Oaxaca, where they saw their strike betrayed by the SNTE national leadership in alliance with the Oaxacan state governor, one Ulises Ruíz Ortíz. Sección 59 was established by the priísta SNTE leader, Elba Ester Gordillo, as a rival local to Sección 22 in Oaxaca, and its members were promptly sent back to work as a means of breaking the strike.

However this time round, there seems to be increasing evidence of the strike's spread into a generalised movement within Oaxaca. On Tuesday, a building belonging to PEMEX (Petróleos Mexicanos - the state petrol monolopy which is on the verge of being privatised) was blockaded, while on Thursday various neighbourhood organisations within the city assisted in the occupation of a Centro de Atención Múltiple, the state institution charged with educating special needs children, which is controlled by Sección 59.

A host of other state and municipal offices have been shut down by blockades, with the aid of various other groups and a tactic of "plantones rotativos" (rotating encampments), as well as part of the Zócalo (the main city square, the centre of the 2006 movement). On Tuesday, a tollbooth on the Oaxaca-Puebla highway was "liberated", with motorists being granted free passage. The last couple of days have also seen the return of activity under the umbrella term of the APPO (Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca - the Popular Assembly of Oaxacan Peoples), although it's unclear as to which faction of the many that claim its true heritage is using the term.

Equally uncertain is the future and potential of this renaissance. Supposedly, the Sección 22 strike will end on 10 June, yet if the movement (if it can be termed thus at this early juncture) continues to expand and spread beyond the remit of their labour-based demands, surely it can't be neatly wrapped up within a predetermined timeframe. SNTE members have also struck in solidarity in Michoacán (north of Oaxaca state up the Pacific coastline) and municipal officials in Chiapas are desperately attempting to avert on the job action there by teachers.

More menacingly, with the scars and trauma of the repression of the 2006 movement still so raw, one has to wonder how much fight Oaxacans have within them. Already, the beleaguered and fantastically incompetent Ulises is attempting to bring Sección 22 to the negotiating table within the next few days. Also, traders around the Centro Histórico of the city are organising against any sort of political activity in the area, in defense of their businesses. It seems almost certain that the reactionary forces of business and government with regroup with their lackeys in Sección 59 in order to respond to the headway made here. Libcom will keep you updated.

Oaxaca’s Radio Wars

I’m sorry for not posting something earlier about the murder of two women who worked at a Oaxacan radio station.

Oaxaca’s Radio Wars
By Charles Mostoller
Despite assassinations, community radio is spreading throughout southern Mexico

“Some people think that we are too young to be informed, but what they should know is that we are too young to die.”

These were the fateful words of Felicitas Martinez Sanchez and Teresa Bautista Merino, two indigenous Triqui radio broadcasters who were assassinated in southern Oaxaca on April 7th.

The two girls, aged 20 and 24, had worked for the recently inaugurated Radio Triqui, “The Voice that Breaks the Silence”, in the autonomous Triqui municipality of San Juan Copala.

San Juan Copala declared autonomy from the state government in January of 2007, unifying more than half of the 24,000 Triqui indigenous peoples into a single municipality, and has faced many obstacles—often violent—in its quest for self-determination.

The community is governed by usos y costumbres, the traditional indigenous form of government which is based around the popular assembly, and has thrown out all of the corrupt political organizations that had been dividing and arming the community.

As part of the community process to start the radio—which began transmitting in January—Martinez and Bautista had been elected by their community to serve as broadcasters.

The National Commission on Human Rights (CNDH, in its Spanish initials) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the United Nations have recently condemned their assassinations and called for a thorough investigation into their deaths.

However, the Attorney General’s Office (PGJ) of Oaxaca has already concluded its investigation, saying that the gunmen had been trying to kill the driver of the vehicle, Faustino Vasquez Martinez, rather than the young radio hosts. Community authorities and other members of Radio Triqui have rejected this finding, blaming the government and local political bosses.

Both Vasquez and family members of the two girls have received death threats and warnings not to speak to the press, and it is unlikely that the gunmen—who Vasquez recognized as fellow Triquis—will be brought to justice.

But despite the threats and the girls murders, Radio Triqui vows to continue its work informing and organizing the residents of San Juan Copala.

The news has shed well-needed international light on the plight of journalists in Mexico, as well as on the difficult and violent political turmoil that consumes the Triqui region. But little attention has been focused on what has become a veritable revolution in Oaxaca: community radio.

Since the popular uprising that shook the state in 2006, when 14 commercial radio stations and one TV network were taken over by the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), the radio has taken on a key role in community organizing.

Although the state government and it’s armed thugs violently took back the occupied radio stations, effectively ending what some leftist thinkers had called the “Oaxaca Commune” and the “first revolution of the 21st century”, indigenous communities all over Oaxaca have created their own radio stations in an attempt to become more autonomous from the tyrannical state government.

Diego Lopez is a 26 year old indigenous Mixe who has helped organize the creation of 17 community radio stations in Oaxaca—including Radio Triqui. He believes that community radio is an essential tool for indigenous communities that are struggling for autonomy.

“The radio offers a community the opportunity to become more informed, for the people to discover their rights,” he said. “It offers an opportunity for them to create their own spaces, which leads the community towards autonomy.”

“I’ve been involved in the creation of many radios, and the results have been very real, very concrete,” he added. “You see how the radio impacts and fights for justice in a community. In the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the radio has helped to stop some of the mega-projects that are part of the Plan Puebla-Panama, like the construction of the Trans-Isthmus super-highway.”

Maria Rivera Aguilar, a 17 year old host for Radio Tezoatlan, “Liberating the Word”, in the Mixteca region, helped teach the two Triqui girls how to use radio equipment. She believes that community radios play a key role in organizing indigenous communities by informing the people of their rights.

“The radio is a way for us to support our communities, for them to get to know their rights, and offers a space where they can express themselves freely,” she said.

“We want things to change, to get better”, added Rivera. “We want to help the population see things how they really are.”

The majority of the community radios that have started up in Oaxaca—few have more than a year on the air—broadcast primarily in indigenous languages, have very simple equipment and weak antennae, and are staffed by the youths of the community—especially young women.

Machismo is deeply ingrained in many communities, and the young female radio hosts have tried to empower other women in their communities by inviting doctors onto the radio to talk about sexual health and sexuality.

Community radio stations also focus on reviving and maintaining indigenous culture, by broadcasting information on the traditions of the community and by playing indigenous music. They have also formed internet broadcasts so that migrants in the U.S.—Oaxaca has more migrants in the U.S. than any other Mexican state—can listen in and keep up on the goings on in their communities.

However, Lopez believes that the most important contribution of community radio is its ability to politicize indigenous pueblos.

“I think the most important benefit is the political impact of the radio. It can divide and it can unify at the same time,” he said. “But the radio is not subversive. We don’t say ‘go get guns and start a revolution’. We inform, we give the community a voice, we give them power and knowledge with what we broadcast, which is always backed up by factual information.”

However, the creating of a community radio station is a difficult and often dangerous endeavor.

“I’ve received various threats, been harassed and persecuted,” said Lopez. “When we began to transmit in Copala, for example, people called the station telling us to ‘shut up’ and threatening us. But these are the threats of people who are afraid that the community learns the truth, because they are the ones who will be pointed out.”

Local and national media, as well as the government, have attacked community radio stations in an effort to present them as criminal operations. It is true that community radio stations do not have legal permits to operate, which are extremely expensive and difficult to obtain, but they have found loopholes in the laws which permit them to operate.

“Ours is a struggle against the system. If we tried to do everything legally, it’s a very difficult process. The government has been promoting a law, along with the major communications companies like TV Azteca and Televisa, that says that indigenous communities do not have the right to operate their own radios. They say that we are pirate radios, but we’re not. They say we are illegal, but we are not operating illegally,” said Lopez.

In fact, during the popular uprising in Oaxaca, when the APPO was in control of most of the radios in the state capital, the state government formed an illegal, pirate radio station called “Citizen Radio” that broadcast the names and addresses of APPO members and incited people to go out and kill them.

The recent deaths of Martinez and Bautista, however, have only created more solidarity among community radios in the Oaxaca, and those involved have vowed to work harder for social justice.

“Their deaths do make me feel threatened,” said Rivera. “But now I’m going to put in more effort so that this doesn’t happen again. There must be justice.”

“The government wants to intimidate us, but we’re only going to work harder,” said Lopez.

“When a community makes the decision to form a radio, here in Mexico, it makes them very vulnerable to violence by the government,” he added. “But I don’t think the communities are going to back down. Once they’ve started the process of creating autonomy, sooner or later they will finish it.”

APPO Music On-line

I just stumbled upon this blog, by FPR Oaxaca who kindly posted a few APPO en resistencia music. Most interestingly, are two counter-infomercials that respond to Governor Ruiz’s campaign that labeled APPO as “urban guerilla warfare.” The track labeled Bazzokeros chronicles the events of November 25, 2006. I collected several CDs and DVDs about the Oaxacan movement while I was there and as someone writing about this movement, I am happy to see some of it provided on the internet. This blog also has a previous post featuring some other songs. You can download them onto your computer.

From FPR’s 11/26 post (if you go to the site you can download the music):

Segunda entrega de musica del movimiento popular Oaxaqueño, surgida durante los dias gloriosos de la Comuna de Oaxaca. Cada una de ellas fue realizada como una necesidad que tenia el movimiento, asi, la tematica de cada uno de los info-contracomerciales como de las canciones gira en torno a un evento y en un contexto determinado:

Los contra-informerciales por ejemplo son una respuesta a la campaña mediatica que emprendio URO en contra de la APPO calificandola de “guerrilla urbana”.

Resistencia Oaxaqueña, fue un llamado al magisterio y al pueblo a reforzar la lucha cuando se cernia sobre nuestras cabezas la amenaza de represion. Consulta amañada se refiere a la consulta manipulada que realizo la dirigencia de la Seccion 22 para desmovilizar a las bases del magisterio.

Bazzokeros es una cronica sobre lo ocurrido el 25 de noviembre de 2006, dia de la mas cruel represion en contra del pueblo de Mexico en las ultimas decadas. Por ultimo, a las barricadas en primera fila, es un llamado/instructivo al pueblo de Oaxaca para prepararse en lucha de barricadas para rechazar a los convoyes de la muerte, que noche con noche agredian al pueblo de Oaxaca.

Esperamos disfruten esta seleccionen musical, cualquier sugerencia les agradeceriamos enviarla a fpr_oaxaca@yahoo.com.mx

If you want to see photos from the Oaxacan movement, please don’t forget to check out my photos page.

New Documentary about APPO

Un Poquito de Tanto Verdad by Corrugated Films is now available for purchase. I just ordered my copy of Jill Friedberg’s new film, but I already viewed it in Oaxaca. It focuses on APPO’s use of alternative media, from COMO’s take-over of state television and radio stations to the use of their own radio stations. It is an interesting portrayal, albeit an obviously positive portrayal of this complicated movement. I recommend it for anyone who would like to learn more about APPO or the role of media in social movements. I also believe it would be an asset in any social movement classroom. I am especially intrigued by the role of women in the movement who have great insight into their own role and power in making change. I’ve met many of the people in the film and I am happy to see their voices made public in this format. My only suggestion is not to use any one film, including this one, as your only source for knowledge about APPO.

One Year Anniverary

speakerIt has been one year since Bradley Will was murdered; and one year since the Federal Preventive Police (PFP) took over the zócalo, marking the beginning of a month of violent confrontations between the PFP and APPO. Over the past few days, APPO has marched to remember their fallen comrades, demand the release of those remaining in prison, and the right for teachers of Section 22 to teach their classes. As Florentino López Martínez, a frequent APPO speaker spoke at the rally today, he claimed that this movement witnessed 27 murders, many disappearances, and 200 political prisoners remain in jail.

As the march entered the zócalo, no police were present (a stark change from just a few months ago). Along the route of the march and into the zócalo, teenagers with masks spray painted buildings and businesses. All of the stores remained open and the employees watched their building being spraypainted for the umpteenth time. In the zócalo, photographers and tourists try to take photos of the graffiti artists, which normally is alright as long as the photograph is from behind and without the person’s face. However, I witnessed the youth pressure two photographers into erasing their footage. The teachers separated into their respective schools and formed discussion groups. Vendors were ready for the march—they laid out DVD’s, APPO t-shirts, and artwork. Traditional zócalo vendors patrolled the area selling shaved ice, nuts, and artesian crafts. The DVD’s are worth examining because it is common to find documentaries retelling events from the last year. After about a half hour, a rally started at the gazebo. I found some of the COMO (Coordinadora de Mujeres Oaxaquenos, Primero de Agosto, APPO) women who have made a central position for themselves in APPO. Florentino López Martínez, a frequent APPO speaker, started off the rally by listing the reasons for their continued struggle.

tourists at rallyThe rallies of the past few months have the same signature posters, graffiti, and demands, but the city reacts differently to them. Stores remain open and police do not set up barricades. Interestingly, as I left the zocalo, a large group of tourists on a tour of the zócalo stood in front of the cathedral listening to their guide. I snapped a photo because the image of a tour group in the middle of a rally was way too tempting.

I often run across articles discussing the economic problems facing Oaxaca since last year. While these primarily focus on the impact of tourism on hotels and businesses in the centro, the economic impact is much wider. Many countries, including the United States maintain a warning to tourists on travel to Oaxaca. The U.S. warning won’t expire until April 2008. The demands of APPO have not been met, and therefore, actions continue. However, it is unclear how their demands will ever be met—it is obvious that Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz will never step down until the end of his term and the situation with political prisoners is a waiting game.

The only way to really examine the events of the past year is to try to take in the complexities of the situation—the good and the bad of the movement. It is an oversimplification to just examine the ideals of the movement because the reality is far more complicated. In a peaceful movement we saw violence. In a populous movement we saw poor people turn away despite hating the government and believing in the goals of the movement. But for now, dealing with those issues will have to wait for a later blog post.

Recommended Reading

First, my apologies for neglecting this blog. I’ve been in Oaxaca for the past few weeks and posted some photos here. I could have written about how much Oaxaca has changed since last March; the celebrations for Independence Day and El Grito; or the continuing increase in tortilla prices. But instead, for now, I bring your attention to a few books of interest concerning the Oaxacan uprising.

I recently bought these and have only skimmed them at this point. These first two are in Spanish and follow a similar format. The first 2/3rds discuss the history of the movement, the events leading up to the formation of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), and offer stories from activists in the movement. Both books have a section of photos and end with a chronology of events.

Oaxaca Sitiada: La primera insurrección del siglo XXI
by Diego Enrique Osorno
Mexico D.F., Mexico: Random House Mondadori. 2007.

Autoritarismo, Movimmiento Popular y Crisis Politica: Oaxaca 2006.
by Víctor Raul Martínez Vasquez (of IISUABJO—he is a Sociologist at UABJO)
Printing finished in July 2007 at Carteles Editores–P.G.O. and was bound at Impresiones y Barniz, U. V. Amadís, S.A. de C.V.
Colón 605, Centro, Oaxaca, Oax.

I bought both of these books at Librería Educal at the Santo Domingo ex-convent in Oaxaca. You can find the store online. Their number in Oaxaca is: 01 (951) 514-1398

I was told of a third book, which is in Spanish and conservative, but I have yet to find it. Please let me know if you have any information about it.

Nancy Davies of NarcoNews recently published an English book about the APPO movement. She reported from the frontlines of the movement. It can be bought online at: www.narconews.com.

Urgent Action in Oaxaca

man killed in protestProtesters and police clashed again this week in Oaxaca. Ten thousand protesters (APPO, community members, teachers, and others) took to the streets to demand a non-commercially ran version of the traditional Guelaguetza festival. They hoped to enter the Guelaguetza auditorium but police stopped them with tear gas, arrests, and violence. Monday’s clashed lasted for three hours and APPO claims that protests will continue this weekend during the planned Guelaguetza festival. For news coverage, refer to these news articles from the BBC and Noticias. I also suggest this thorough post at The Mex Files that contemplates the complexities of this situation. Below is an Urgent Action put out by the Oaxaca Solidarity Network.

URGENT ACTION
A NEW ESCALATION OF POLICE REPRESSION AGAINST THE POPULAR MOVEMENT OF OAXACA

Guelaguetza protestThis Monday, June 16th at approximately 11:30am personnel of the Municipal police, Federal Preventative Police, Banking and Industrial Police confronted members of the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO) and teachers of the National Syndicate of Education Workers (SNTE) section 22 with tear gas and rocks in an effort to stop them from entering the Guelaguetza auditorium, located on the Fortín Hill in Oaxaca City. Members of the APPO and SNTE section 22 are participants of this popular Oaxaquen festival.

In this confrontation, the diverse police force brutally beat teachers and others participating in the manifestation. In addition, the police threw tear gas at commercial establishments, private homes, and public buildings. Moreover, during this violent escalation newspaper reporters and photo journalists were injured. Among them being employees of Reforma, Las Noticias, and Marca y Tiempo who were giving coverage of the fierce blows given by the police to those manifesting. Unofficially the media mentions the arrest of 7 APPO sympathizers who caused damage at the Plaza Fortín Hotel.

These violent acts are being carried out as a security measure for the state government’s “Guelaguetza 2007″ by means of surrounding the Fortín Hill with personnel of the Mexican Army, Federal Preventative Police, Federal Agency of Investigation, Preventative Police and the Oaxaquen Municipal Police. This coordinated operative of the Secretary of Civil Protection was done to prevent the celebration of the Popular Guelaguetza, which is put on by the APPO and Section 22 of the SNTE Teacher’s Union. This is in spite of the fact that the State government declared days before that it had absolute respect for the celebration of the Guelaguetza Popular.

We consider that this act is just one example of the deliberate provocations by the governor against the Popular Assembly of the Oaxacan People. Moreover, it is an ominous sign of the inability to dialogue, which has again resulted in the irrational use of the public force.

We demand the following:

-An immediate end to the police repression and the harassment of those involved in the Oaxacan Social/Popular movement
-We condemn the government’ action to indiscriminately use federal and police force.
-We put the responsibility upon the state and federal government to register the arbitrary detainment or disappearances of those participating in the manifestations

Oaxaca de Juárez, 16 de Julio de 2007

ESPACIO DE ORGANIZACIONES CIVILES DE OAXACA
NETWORK OF CIVIL ORGANIZATIONS OF OAXACA

WE ASK YOU TO SEND FAXES, E-MAILS TO THE FOLLOWING (AND PLEASE NOTE THE “WHAT TO DO” SECTION IMMEDIATELY BELOW FOR ADDITIONAL ACTIONS):

Presidente FELIPE DE JESÚS CALDERÓN HINOJOSA
Residencia Oficial de los Pinos Casa Miguel Alemán
Col. San Miguel Chapultepec, C.P. 11850, México DF
Tel: +52 (55) 27891100
Fax: +52 (55) 52772376
felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx

Licenciado Francisco Javier Ramírez Acuña,
Secretario de Gobernación,
Bucareli 99, 1er. piso, Col. Juárez,
Delegación Cuauhtémoc, México D.F., C.P. 06600, México,
Fax: +52 (55) 5093 3414
frjramirez@segob.gob.mx

Dr. José Luis Soberanes Fernández
Presidente de la CNDH
Periférico Sur 3469, Col.
San Jerónimo Lídice,
10200, México, D.F.
Tel: 631 00 40, 6 81 81 25
Fax: 56 81 84 90
Lada sin costo: 01 800 00 869
correo@fmdh.cndh.org.mx
correo@cndh.org.mx,

WHAT TO DO:
• Contact your local representatives and Mexican consuls and inform them of your concern about the recent repression by government forces in Oaxaca. Ask them to contact local Mexican consuls and national Mexican authorities (listed below).
Please also send appeals to official addresses below (by fax is most effective) to arrive as quickly as possible, in Spanish or your own language, making the following points:

1. Members of the recent Oaxaca Solidarity Network/Rights Action Emergency Human Rights Delegations can point out that they recently heard repeated testimonies of torture, forced confessions, and arbitrary detentions, and that they demand the immediate release of all political prisoners.
2. Express your concern for the well-being of all Oaxacan political prisoners.
3. Call for a prompt, impartial and thorough investigation into the illegal detentions of people engaged in peaceful protest, for findings to be published, and for those responsible to be brought to justice.
4. Remind the authorities that they have a duty to carry out an independent and impartial investigation into the alleged fabrication of charges against political prisoners, with the results to be made public.

SEND APPEALS TO MEXICAN GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS LISTED AT THE BOTTOM OF THIS E-MAIL…

MORE ON WHAT YOU CAN DO:
• A fundamental element to work in favor of global justice, equality and the environment is to fund and support local organizations that are leading their own struggles in defense and promotion of development, the environment and human rights.
• Get involved in education and activism work in your home community concerning the negative impacts of North American investors and hydro-electric and mining policies on community-controlled development, the environment and the human rights of local populations in Oaxaca.
• Consider coming in on one of OSN’s Human Rights/Educational-Activist Delegations and meet with victims of the repression, local human rights groups, leaders of the popular movement, local political and business leaders, and to visit local indigenous communities to learn about vital social, economic and political issues.
• Invite us to give educational presentations in your home community.
• Get on our e-mail list and visit our website for news updates, delegation announcements and more.

TAX-DEDUCTIBLE DONATIONS: You can make donations to Oaxaca Solidarity Network by making a check payable to “Rights Action”. Please write “FOR OSN” in the memo space and mail to: UNITED STATES: Box 50887, Washington DC, 20091-0887 ;
CANADA: 509 St.Clair Ave W, box73527, Toronto ON, M6C-1C0.
CREDIT-CARD DONATIONS:
www.rightsaction.org . Please note that the donation is for Oaxaca Solidariy Network.
QUESTIONS: info@oaxacasolidarity.org

URGENT ACTION ADDRESSES:
U.S.:
Ambassador Carlos Alberto De Icaza Gonzalez
Embassy of Mexico
1911 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
Washington DC 20006
Fax: 1 202 728 1698

MÉXICO:

President:
Lic. Felipe Calderon Hinojosa
Presidente de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos
Residencia Oficial de ”Los Pinos”, Casa Miguel Aleman
Col. San Miguel Chapultepec
Mexico D.F., C.P. 11850, MEXICO
Fax: 011 52 55 52772376 felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx
Salutation: Senor Presidente/Dear President Calderon

Minister of the Interior:
Lic. Francisco Ramirez Acuña
Secretario de Gobernacion, Secretaria de Gobernacion
Bucareli 99, 1er. piso, Col. Juarez, Delegacion Cuauhtemoc,
Mexico D.F., C.P.06600, MEXICO
Fax: 011 52 55 5093 3414
Salutation: Dear Minister/Estimado Secretario
No e-mail, please send fax.

Minister of Public Security:
Lic. Eduardo Medina-Mora Icaza
Procurador General de la Republica
Paseo de la Reforma #211-213 Cuactemoc Mexico D.F. C.P. 06500
Colonia Juarez, Delegacion Cuauhtemoc,
Mexico DF. C.P. 06600, Mexico
Fax: 011 52 55 5241 8393
Salutation: Dear Minister/Estimado Secretario
To send e-mails online: http://pgr.gob.mx/index.asp

President of National Human Rights Comisión
Dr. José Luis Soberanes Fernández
Periférico Sur 3469, Col San Jerónimo Lídice, CP 10200, México, D.F.

Governor of Oaxaca:
Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
Gobernador del Estado de Oaxaca
Carretera Oaxaca - Puerto Angel, Km. 9.5
Santa Maria Coyotopec, C. P. 71254
Oaxaca
Oaxaca, MEXICO E -mail: gobernador@oaxaca.gob.mx
Fax: 011 52 951 511 6879 (if someone answers, say ”me da tono de fax, por favor”)
Salutation: Senor Gobernador/Dear Governor

COPIES TO:

President of the Oaxaca State Human Rights Commission:
Dr. Jaime Perez Jimenez
Presidente de la Comision Estatal
Calle de los Derechos Humanos no. 210
Colonia America, C.P. 68050
Oaxaca
Oaxaca, Mexico
Fax: 011 52 951 503 0220

Please send appeals immediately. Thank you for your solidarity and support.

APPO Update

A federal court judge released 56 sympathizers and members of the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO), overturning a decision by a lower court judge. The Federal Preventive Police (PFP) arrested all 56 people during a street confrontation on August 25, 2006. Most of the arrests were indiscriminate and violent. Prisoners who were released earlier complained of sexual and physical abuse by the PFP and the prison guards. This decision absolves the ex-prisoners of any wrong-doings. Their legal team, Liga Mexicana por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos, will now fight for reparations and damages done by the government.

Below are two recent, great articles by Nancy Davies who has been reporting for the Narco News about Oaxaca since the beginning of the uprising.

The Governor of Oaxaca Is Provoking a Mini-Civil War in the State Capital
By Nancy Davies,
Posted on Sat Jun 30th, 2007 at 01:35:44 PM EST
On Friday June 29 a signed letter appeared in Noticias warning the public. Now, whether the author himself, one Patricio Solari, is acting in good faith or is himself a provocateur, I don’t know. But he outlined the plan, which we have already seen in its initial stages of the dozen or so commercial people from the zócalo area confronting the teacher APPO plantón with an ultimatum.. Solari names the ex- “chief of police” Manuel Vera Salinas, as being recruited along with other former chiefs. They would head up the selected infiltrators to be within the encampment. The former police, armed, would provoke the actual shooting – this in the middle of a zócalo occupied not only by overt partisans and teachers but also by vendors, tourists, children, and families. The infiltrators shooting into a column of marchers would incite the melee, bringing on the intervention of the ministerial police, state police, etcetera.

A Saturday Noticias article claims that the PRI is paying up to 300 pesos per youngster to fight in the expected confrontation.

Divide and conquer is an ancient strategy, and is well documented in rural Oaxaca where it’s easy to spark fights over water and land. But inside the city, where it would not be possible to target particular individuals, is another whole ballgame. Inside the zócalo on Friday I spoke to a waitress in the floundering restaurant cafe. She is young, pretty and vicious. Her words were, “we’re going to push them out”. How? I asked, since I doubt pushing is so easy, but when I referred to killing the teachers, she assured me that the APPO is armed – and the commercial people are also.

A small APPO march – apparently the APPO called off its megamarch as a show of good faith, but not everyone knew it or agreed to the cancellation – arrived at about 6:00 Friday evening. Among the first speakers was a man who identified himself as a vendor on the street Las Casas, who told the crowd that Las Casas would not participate in the attempt to dislodge the encampment, by a vote of 70% in opposition. (Las Casas is a poor street; it resembles Mexico City with its jammed sidewalks. It has been threatened with a “clean-up” because vendor stalls block entrances to shops.)

Saturday Noticias printed an article saying the attack was “suspended”. Two organizations are involved: Consejo Ciudadano para el Progresso, which was quoted as saying, “the peaceful expulsion planned for this Saturday was cancelled at the request of the governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz ‘to maintain the peace’ “. The other group, Organización Independiente de Comerciantes Establecidos (OICE) has thus far not announced their agreement with the CCP.

A spokesperson for the APPO called on the small and mid-size businesses to not fall into the “perverse game” of Ruiz Ortiz because he is trying to use honest men and women “ to fulfill his assassin’s aims”.

So we now wait to see if the current offer of the government is acceptable to resolve teacher-APPO demands. And we wait for URO’s next move.

This Week for Education in Oaxaca
By Nancy Davies,
Posted on Thu Jun 28th, 2007 at 06:42:23 PM EST

Here’s a note for comic relief: Section 59 of the teachers union has established a plantón in front of Government House in Santa María Coyotepec to demand a dialogue with the the governor, Ulises Ruiz. They want URO to attend to several of their educational demands. These demands are a direct result of taking over schools and classrooms without the normal administrative support system.

You may recall that Section 59 was a break-away group whose coming into existence was promoted and supported by URO, as a tool to fracture the Teachers Union Section 22, which had about 70,000 members when it began its 2006 strike. Section 59 peeled off maybe 2,000-5,000 of them. It was also supported and ratified by the dragon lady president of the national Teachers Union, Elba Esther Gordillo, who apparently now sells her favors to the PAN, having recently dropped the PRI as it collapses.

It seems that the Section 59 members are not reaping their just rewards. Or maybe they are.

The zócalo is occupied by teachers and the APPO, as is the Alameda, along with the usual communist hard-liners who strung up photos of Joseph Stalin.. The APPO has sent out small groups of activists to paste posters to the walls of buildings – at least where I saw them, directly north and on the pedestrian-tourist streets around the zócalo. The two varieties of poster say: “Tourists! Boycott the commercial Guelaguetza on July 23!” and “Tourists! Come to the People’s Guelaguetza July 16!”, thus indicating that the APPO’s desire is not to further hamper tourism, nor to punish the hotel and restaurant owners, but to punish the elite who make big bucks off the Guelaguetza. In past years the Guelaguetza has been the time when political lackeys came to pay their respects to the feudal lord, URO, according the Oaxaca sociologist Victor Raul Martinez.

On that same stroll I ran into a man I first met several years ago who owns a shop adjoining the zócalo. The conversation was along the lines of, He: isn’t it terrible there are no tourists. Me: tourists don’t like murderers and assassins (my creativity at work); Oaxaca must get rid of Ulises. He: ???? Me: yes, tourists favor democracy and peace (more creativity). He: you mean tourists don’t like violence? Me: bingo!, or words to that effect.

What this illustrates to me is that few commercial people assign blame to Ulises, or at least not publicly. This includes the street vendors, who are licensed by the state and now suffer bitterly from the lack of tourists. The paid propaganda assigns all blame to the teachers and/or the APPO; the APPO is depicted as violent although all 26 or so murders were committed by government thugs or police, and none by the APPO. Nor were the tortures and disappearances committed by the APPO. I tell this to a woman vendor whom I’ve known for years. She has trouble understanding. I give her money, I buy her food, I purchase yet another place mat. But she is hearing bad info from the people who control her privilege to sell.

Several people, like the bishop emeritus of Tehuantepec, this week averred that Oaxaca and most of Mexico stands at the “last opportunity” for reform of the state. Attempts by an editorial in Imparcial to smear the 43 civil organizations pushing reforms, and naming certain of their leaders to intimidate them (along with mentioning “foreign journalists” and “foreigners donating money to human rights organizations which used that money to buy arms”) have not dampened civil society’s determination. The video’s playing in the zócalo show the other side of the struggle, and in front of each television set people stand and look. That’s the true education at work this week.

I look forward to returning to Oaxaca at the end of August and throwing myself back into this issue…watching the videos that play in the zócalo and, of course, finishing my dissertation research.

One More Political Prisoner Released, 10 Remain

Marcelino Coache Verano, an APPO activist, was released around 1:30pm on Thursday afternoon from his prison in Cosolapa. Verano was arrested on December 4, 2006 with Flavio Sosa, a well-known APPO speaker. While the police had an arrest warrant for Sosa and his brother, they arrested Verano for allegedly assaulting the officers. Verano’s release reminds us that political prisoners related to the Oaxacan uprising still remain in prison–dealing daily with abuses and maltreatment. Noticias reports that ten prisoners still remain.

New Films on the Border, Mexico, and Oaxaca

Yesterday, I attended an event sponsored by Acción Zapatista (a UCSB student organization) that featured three new exciting documentaries. Jill Friedberg, who also worked on the Award Winning film This is What Democracy Looks Like, presented Granito de Arena, which tells the story of the dismantling of the Mexican public education system. This compelling film highlights the power of resistance by educators, families, and students, who demand access to free public education and a living wage. In 2006, a year after Friedberg completed this film, Oaxacan teachers entered a new chapter in their struggle. Her new film, a work in progress, called Un Poquito de Tanto Verdad, traces the story of the recent Oaxacan uprising. I was t