Archive for the 'NAFTA' Category

FAO Lists Countries threatened by Food Crisis

A new study by the Food and Agriculture Organization lists 22 countries as the most vulnerable to the global food crisis and examines the level of hunger in various countries.

You can read more about it in the following articles:
This one from ReliefWeb focuses on Haiti.
China View speaks briefly about the countries named.
FAO’s Food Security Statistics are available on their website. Also refer to their Agricultural Outlook (2008-2017). You can read here about FAO’s study and their own suggestions for improving markets for farmers. I must say, however, that I do not agree with the article’s support for more free markets. The loss of protective organizations that once guaranteed prices for farmers are partially to blame for the insecurity of surviving on profits from farming (specifically small-scale farming).

Bello’s article on the Food Crisis

This article by Walden Bello’s is a must read: “How to manufacture a global food crisis.” It appears at inquirer.net and will soon be published in The Nation. Bello provides the history leading up to a recent global food crisis, the rise in prices for tortillas and rice, and why people are protesting around the world. In about a month I will be able to quote and link to my own completed dissertation, but for now I draw your attention to Bellow’s final paragraph:

Once regarded as relics of the pre-industrial era, peasants are now leading the opposition to a capitalist industrial agriculture that would consign them to the dustbin of history. They have become what Karl Marx described as a politically conscious “class for itself,” contradicting his predictions about their demise. With the global food crisis, they are moving to center stage — and they have allies and supporters. For as peasants refuse to go gently into that good night and fight de-peasantization, developments in the twenty-first century are revealing the panacea of globalized capitalist industrial agriculture to be a nightmare. With environmental crises multiplying, the social dysfunctions of urban-industrial life piling up and industrialized agriculture creating greater food insecurity, the farmers’ movement increasingly has relevance not only to peasants but to everyone threatened by the catastrophic consequences of global capital’s vision for organizing production, community and life itself.

“Mouths to FEED”

From Matt Davies:
If you don’t understand it, please see my post below, or the many other posts I have on corn, and read a newspaper!
mattdaviescorn.jpg

Sin Maiz—video

In response to my own blog from yesterday, I offer an even better video posted by the Sin Maiz No Hay Pais (Without Corn there is no Country) campaign. This video was released just prior to the removal of all tariffs and trade restrictions under NAFTA on January 1, 2008. It speaks to the loss of jobs under NAFTA and provides more insight into the severe hardships caused by NAFTA in Mexico. I believe it is asking a basic question—how can the small scale corn farmers compete against the subsidized farmers of the United States and U.S and Mexican companies that are monopolizing the market? This video is in Spanish.

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The Words of Corn

I just came across this video filmed in the high Mixteca region of Oaxaca, Mexico. Corn farmers speak of the problems they face–lack of government support, the low quality of imported corn, and the impact of using fertilizers and chemicals. The video is in Spanish and well worth watching. I really miss Oaxaca!!YouTube Preview Image

You should also check out this recent video from the Washington Post that highlights interviews with Mexican corn farmers and their opinions of NAFTA. It is in Spanish with English subtitles.

I found the above video attached to an interesting article, Don’t Know Much about NAFTA, by Amar Bakshi at the Washington Post. The article is below.

Don’t Know Much About NAFTA

PACHUCA - Few of the tiny cornfields surrounding Pachuca, the capital of the Mexican state of Hidalgo, are larger than five square acres. Most lack irrigation systems and are worked by hand — often by the farmer’s many children — resulting in a harvest of mini-sized maize that pulls in under US$1000 per year. The farming families here find themselves no better off, harvest after harvest. The years go by and the competition stiffens.

So the farmers make bricks, work construction jobs, and collect money from migrant relatives who move to the U.S. to keep afloat. They say they don’t know much about the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), but remain certain it hasn’t done them any good. Yet they blame the Mexican government, not America, for their suffering.

A dozen farmers who’ve spent their lives working their small plots of soil, given to their forbearers after the revolutionary Mexican government redistributed the land in the late 1930s, now spend their Sundays chatting in front of their local farming cooperative in the city center. This decaying concrete building was built over a decade ago to help small farmers claim the assistance their government had promised and then largely failed to deliver.

The men, all wearing jeans and sombreros, assume that NAFTA primarily benefits the United States and its big commercial farms, advanced technology, well-educated workforce, and heavy state subsidies. Oxfam claims these subsidies, which help lower corn prices below production costs, are decimating Mexican corn farmers. But these men do not insist the U.S. stop supporting its farmers. They just want the same assistance from their own government.

It would be easy for locals, especially politicians, to blame the corn farmers’ continued woes here on the United States and NAFTA, but so far that hasn’t happened in Hidalgo, (though it has elsewhere in Mexico). Farmers here say the primary causes of their suffering are big Mexican companies and corrupt local politicians. The Mexican elite, they say, is conspiring against ordinary people for personal gain.

They accuse large, well-known tortilla and bread firms of buying corn cheap in Mexico and hoarding it to inflate the price, though they offer no proof of this. They also accuse national union leaders and local politicians of diverting funds meant to help farmers for personal pleasures, and taking kickbacks from international firms in exchange for bargain business deals in Mexico.

Where does the farmers’ suspicion toward business and political elites come from? They say it’s fueled by years of inept local government, caused by decades of single party rule. They can’t prove vast conspiracies. But they each have a story of a corrupt official — like having to bribe a local authority to get into the bracero program to work in the U.S. The men here don’t read newspapers and rarely watch TV news. They don’t know about America’s presidential elections, and aren’t sure if George Bush or Bill Clinton is currently president. They certainly aren’t aware of the fierce NAFTA debate raging now among the democratic presidential candidates up north.

When I mention U.S. opposition to NAFTA, they tip their hats up to see me clearly and insist, “But there is so much money up there! It’s nothing like here.” They say this from experience, having worked agriculture up north too.

The Price of Ethanol

We said “no” to the electric car and ignore other alternative fuel options (such as biodiesel, compressed natural gas, flexible fuel, hydrogen, solar, and something called an air vehicle that I just discovered on Wikipedia). I am a proponent of alternative fuel sources, but I have major problems with the development of ethanol from plants (most commonly maize, soybean, rapeseed, and palm). It has already led to rising corn prices and the tortilla wars of last year. Land once used to produce crops for consumption now are used to produce plant-derived fuel. The article below outlines many of
the consequences to our rapid production of ethanol fuel. Interestingly, the article states:

If one counts only the immediate carbon costs of planting and processing bio-fuels, they appear to reduce GHGs. But, when you look at the total impact, one would realise that the bio-fuels cause more warming than petroleum. Ethanol from maize causes between 0.9 and 1.5 times more warming as petrol does, while rapeseed oil, the source of more than 80 per cent of world’s bio-diesel, generates 1 to 1.7 times the impact of ordinary diesel.

I’ve never heard this surprising statistic before. I’m not sure where the author got this statistic. I will look into it. In any case, I agree with the author’s central argument: we must analyze the overall impact of plant-based ethanol fuel. This analysis must be global and recognize the problems faced by poor and rural farmers in developing countries.

Biofuelling the World’s Hunger
by K. P. Prabhakaran Nair
Business Line, Jan 4, 2008

The soaring Sensex is as adrenalin to India Inc. Not many, however, seem to be unduly concerned about the galloping food prices. Almost everyone, from the Prime Minister downwards, is making pious noises on this score, without any tangible efforts to rein in the soaring prices.

A new dimension is being added to the galloping food prices. And that is the clamour for “green fuel”, which has to come from soyabean, rapeseed, sugarcane, sorghum, oil palm or corn, in the main, and also from jatropha, now added to the list.

In 2007, as wheat prices rose record levels, corn and soybean — both increasingly used for green fuel manufacture — climbed to multi-year highs. As the US is heading into recession, commodities are outperforming stocks and bonds. Palm oil, used to extract bio-diesel at $800 plus a tonne, is outpacing crude oil.

Bio-fuels are being touted as the new panacea for global warming. But, because this fuel from plants is being introduced without much thought about wider implications; it is becoming a good idea practised badly. Let us look at some scientific facts about bio-fuels.

Clamour for “green fuel”

With the announcement of the Peace Nobel, which has brought global warming to centre-stage, the attention of the developed world has shifted to “green fuels.”

The recent meet on climate change in Bali, Indonesia, where 10,000 delegates discussed the problem for a fortnight, and in the process emitted enormous amounts of GHGs such as carbon di-oxide, lends a note of urgency to the entire question.

Ethanol-blended petrol from cassava, corn and sugarcane, bio-diesel from rapeseed, jatropha, palm-oil, etc., are being touted as the fuels that will in the future drive cars in the US and Europe. Europe has mandated that 5 per cent of transport fuel must originate in crops by 2010, just two years away. As usual, developing countries are being targeted as the regions where crops for green fuels are to be grown. Look at the unfolding scenario.

Poor pay the price

Swaziland, a tiny nation in the African continent, is already in the grip of a terrible famine, where 40 per cent of its people face acute food shortages. The reason? The government there has allocated thousands of hectares of farmland in the district of Lavumisa, worst hit by drought and famine, for ethanol production from the Swazi people’s staple food crop, cassava.

Nearer home, farmers in Nagaland are being prodded to swap paddy in the traditional Jhum lands for jatropha cultivation. The International Crop Research Institute for Semi-Arid Tropics (Icrisat), in Hyderabad, an arm of the Washington lobby, has got a $1.5-million project on ethanol production from sweet sorghum and cassava. The UK-based D1 Oils is piloting a jatropha project.

Globally, D1 Oils plans to cultivate one million hectares of jatropha, spread across mainly India, Southern Africa, South-East Asia, China and Australia by 2011 to cater to the growing green fuel demand of the US and Europe. In India, it plans to have 3.5 lakh hectares. And in this onslaught, some of the country’s best farmland will simply switch from food crops to fuel crops.

Tortilla wars

In late 2006, Mexico experienced the tortilla wars, as people found the price of their staple, corn, had doubled. The reason? The price hike was triggered by the newfound use of the crop as a green fuel and the corporate control over it. Archer Daniels Midlands, the largest ethanol processor in the region with financial stakes in a Mexican oil company that makes tortillas and refines wheat, was the entity behind this.

So, Midlands benefits when tortilla prices increase and consumers switch from corn to wheat, more pertinently, when there is a switch from food to fuel.

India sucked in

India, unwittingly, is entering into this quagmire. Even in the tiny State of Kerala, in the “rice bowl” district of Palakkad, loud noises are being heard about the desirability of jatropha in preference to paddy. The bio-fuel policy of the US and Europe is sweet music to Africa, already reeling under food shortages, because, the governments there think that they can make a fast buck. What it does to food production seems nobody’s concern. India is not far behind. Or else, why the new-found enthusiasm to propagate bio-fuel crops at the expense of arable farm land?

The warnings

In short, the North’s bio-fuel appetite will pave the way for the South’s starvation. Even the International Monetary Fund, always ready to immolate the poor at the altar of commerce, now warns that using food to produce bio-fuel “might further strain the already tight supplies of arable land and water all over the world.”

The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation has announced the lowest global food reserves in 25 years threatening what it calls a “very serious crisis”. Even when the price of food was low, 850 million people worldwide and more than 220 million in India went hungry because they could not afford to buy it.

With every increment in the price of flour or grain, several more millions of poor will be pushed below the breadline. Look at the cost of staple grains. The price of rice has risen by 20 per cent over the past year, maize by 50 per cent and wheat by 100 per cent.

Effectiveness of green fuel

The demands of the motoring lobby and business groups clamouring for new infrastructure have to be metEven while the people being pushed off their lands remain voiceless. Even Tamil Nadu, where there is an entrenched automobile lobby, is fast catching up the green fuel bandwagon, with all kinds of subsidies and incentives. Poor farmers will find the lure too tempting to pass up, and food production will be the first casualty.

I am not saying India should say “no” to green fuel. But before we jump onto the green fuel bandwagon, we must do our math well. In principle, burning bio-fuels merely releases the carbon which the crops accumulated while growing.

If one counts only the immediate carbon costs of planting and processing bio-fuels, they appear to reduce GHGs. But, when you look at the total impact, one would realise that the bio-fuels cause more warming than petroleum.

Ethanol from maize causes between 0.9 and 1.5 times more warming as petrol does, while rapeseed oil, the source of more than 80 per cent of world’s bio-diesel, generates 1 to 1.7 times the impact of ordinary diesel.

These figures are brushed under the carpet by the automobile lobby, which wants its works to stay afloat. The answer to global warming is not a simple switch from fossil fuel to green fuel. It must address the road congestion India is creating due to a mindless automobile manufacturing policy.

In any case, green fuels are here to stay and food production, be it grains or oilseeds, will be the first casualty and the poor will be hit hard because of galloping food prices.

Jatropha’s viability

It would be naïve to think that jatropha will mitigate India’s soaring oil bills. Jatropha is not a small-scale farmer’s crop. It will be economically viable only on a large scale. India does not have much wasteland. Where it exists, the investments in infrastructure, in terms of easy transport and other machinery installation to make the unit economically viable, will be enormous The wastelands along railway tracks cannot be used, because they are in long, non-contiguous strips.

People and planners in New Delhi talk about several things without truly understanding the practical difficulties. The important by-product in jatropha oil extraction is glycerine. Where in India do we have the necessary infrastructure to use glycerine production on such a huge scale? Also, one must remember that the maximum oil extracted from jatropha seeds will not exceed 35 per cent.

The net result in large-scale jatropha cultivation is that India will lose a lot of fertile land to jatropha cultivation where the monetary returns could be better, but grain producing lands will slowly stop being arable.

The mandarins in New Delhi seem lost for a clear-cut answer to this grave and vexing question. Ultimately India’s food security will be threatened. The ambitious (at least on paper) National Food Security Mission of the UPA government will be severely dented by such ill-thought out projects. It is the foreign companies that will gain by getting into jatropha cultivation, like the UK-based D1 Oils, and make a lot of money at the cost of the country’s food security.

Sensible policy

The opportunity for a bio-fuel revolution is not in the rich world’s cities to run their vehicles, but in the grid unconnected villages in India and Africa, where electricity is scarce, with no generators to run pumps or vehicles. It is here that fossil fuels will grow because there is no alternative. Instead of bringing fossil fuel long distances to feed urban markets, this part of the world can leapfrog to a new energy future, if bio-fuel can come from non-edible crops, jatropha, for example.

This also means that the fuel market will need to be redesigned. In today’s business model, the company will grow the crops, extract the oil, transport it first to refineries and then back to consumers.

The new model needs distributed growth in which India will have millions of villagers growing the bio-fuel crops, and millions of distributors and users in the villages. Can the somnolent Indian planners think up such a strategy? The alternative is to simply cater to the whims of the corporate world.

Increasing Inequality under NAFTA

From IPS:

CHALLENGES 2007-2008: Lowering Mexico’s Drawbridge to US Maize and Beans
By Diego Cevallos

MEXICO CITY, Dec 19 (IPS) - On Jan. 1, the Mexican market will be thrown wide open to imports of maize, beans, powdered milk and sugar from the United States, completing a process that began 14 years ago, in which its impoverished rural sector must compete with a powerful and heavily subsidised foreign rival.

The freeing up of Mexico’s agricultural markets has been happening gradually since 1994, when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between Canada, Mexico and the United States came into effect.

The date agreed for the final stage of this process was 2008. It was expected that by then Mexico would be able to cope with the removal of quotas and tariffs for imported maize and beans, the staple foods of most people in this country and an important part of their ancestral traditions.

However, with just a few days to go before the last trade barriers are dismantled, there is obvious asymmetry between the markets, especially with that of the United States, with which Mexico does 90 percent of its trade.

Maize originated in Mexico, which produces 19 million tonnes a year, compared to 300 million tonnes a year grown in the United States.

For a Mexican farmer, the cost of growing a hectare of maize is 300 times higher, and the yield 3.5 times lower, than for a farmer in the U.S., according to the non-governmental National Campesino (small farmer) Federation (CNC).

But every farmer in the U.S. is subsidised to the tune of an average 20,000 dollars a year, while in Mexico government subsidies are no more than an annual 770 dollars per farmer, the CNC says.

In the U.S., 32 million hectares are devoted to maize, used for human food and animal feed, and also to produce ethanol, a biofuel. In Mexico maize is grown on 8.5 million hectares.

“The claws of free trade will grab us by the throat in 2008 and strangle us, and the government is doing nothing about it. It just says it has to fulfil its pledge, but that will be at the expense of poor farmers who can’t compete,” Mariano Sánchez, a medium-sized bean grower in Mexico state, near the capital, told IPS.

In actual fact, NAFTA is not so much a free trade treaty as an agreement to eliminate tariff barriers. Dismantling domestic subsidies is an issue that continues to be negotiated at the World Trade Organisation (WTO), where talks are blocked because of the refusal of rich nations to stop subsidising their farmers.

“The farming sector in Mexico was never ready for NAFTA and is still not ready, in spite of all the support the authorities say they have given,” said Sánchez, who produces beans on 15 hectares of land, and sells them to local markets. He says he has steady buyers, but fears he will lose them if lower priced imported beans become available.

Twenty million people out of a total Mexican population of 109 million live in the countryside, and 75 percent of them are poor. Barely one-third of agricultural labourers have employment benefits, and there is constant migration of the work force towards Mexican cities and the United States.

Of the country’s 31 million hectares of cultivated land, less than one million produce crops for export. The rest is used to grow food largely for subsistence, with the surplus being sold on the domestic market.

Even so, more than 50 percent of the cucumber and 90 percent of lemons and mangoes consumed in the U.S. come from Mexico.

One out of six watermelons, one-quarter of melons and asparagus and one-third of the tomatoes bought by consumers in the U.S. are also from Mexico, according to government figures.

About 50 campesino organisations and groups of activists opposed to free trade have joined forces in the National Campaign in Defence of Food Sovereignty and the Revitalisation of Rural Mexico, under the banner Sin maíz no hay país, sin frijol tampoco” (roughly: no maize means no Mexico, and so does no beans).

They have carried out a number of actions aimed at stopping the opening of the market for these essential agricultural products, so far without success.

Over 1,100 agricultural products from the U.S. and Canada can already be imported duty-free into Mexico, and the same is true of the vast majority of Mexican products sold to those countries.

Nearly all quotas and tariffs have been removed. All that remain are the protective barriers for the most sensitive products — maize, beans, powdered milk and sugar — which were left until last.

The government of conservative President Felipe Calderón says that Jan. 1 will not in any way be a dire day for Mexico.

Mexico already imports increasing amounts of maize and beans from the U.S., because it ceased to be self-sufficient in both products almost a decade ago. Therefore the regional open market is already a fact, some observers say.

The elimination of Mexico’s tariff barriers for maize is due to occur at a time when there is high international demand and high world prices for the commodity. Experts say that Mexicans will have no difficulty selling their maize, locally or for export.

Mexico produces an annual surplus of 200,000 tonnes of sugar, and the imminent change in trade rules is not expected to have a major impact on this sector.

The U.S. imports sugar, and could buy it from Mexico, says governing National Action Party (PAN) lawmaker Francisco Domínguez, an agricultural expert.

The local dairy industry, however, cannot fully satisfy local demand, and is at a technological disadvantage compared to producers in the U.S., so it could face stiff competition.

Marco Ramos, an agricultural researcher at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), says that all Mexico’s rural problems should not be blamed “on NAFTA and free trade.”

“That’s an overly simplistic view that leaves out hard data indicating that failure in the rural sector is due to several causes,” he said.

A study published in 2005 by Braulio Serna, of the local office of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), says that NAFTA has not had a quantitatively significant impact on Mexico’s rural sector.

Analyses claiming that opening the market has been the determining factor in Mexican agricultural performance are biased, according to Serna.

The problems of the rural sector, poverty and migration are more directly linked to misguided public policies, global and national economic crises, climatic factors, low levels of technical training among farmers, and the low international commodity prices seen until a few years ago, among other things, the ECLAC expert said.

Government support for the Mexican countryside has increased in the past few years and comprises subsidies, technical support, preferential prices and investment in rural infrastructure.

This year, government spending amounted to some 16 billion dollars, 1.5 billion dollars more than in 2006. And in 2008 funding for rural areas is expected to reach 19 billion dollars.

However, most of the rural areas remain in poverty and overall production has not improved, although there are some successful export sectors.

The backing given by the Mexican state to its farmers does not match the 22 billion dollars that the U.S. gives its producers in direct subsidies alone, without taking into account the substantial additional aid they receive for marketing, technology and infrastructure.

NAFTA opponents organising the National Campaign in Defence of Food Sovereignty complained that, from January, “campesinos will have to defend themselves on their own against U.S. products which are subsidised at a level 30 times higher than the average amounts granted by the Mexican government.”

“The ingenuousness, incompetence and collusion of the federal government and many legislators have prevented them from discerning that, hidden behind this new stage of the trade agreement, a true war is being waged against our survival as an independent country,” the members of the National Campaign said in an open letter released on Dec. 10.

Delegates from the groups involved in the campaign went on a four-day hunger strike in mid-December, calling for a renegotiation of NAFTA, and announced that they would blockade border crossings to the U.S. from Jan. 1 if their demands are not addressed.

“The campaign against open markets will not change the situation. The best thing to do is to put regrets aside, and look within to find out what can be done so that rural areas in Mexico can develop,” said Ramos. (END/2007)

Cyberactivism to save native seeds

One of the central goals of the Sin Maiz no Hay Pais campaign is to obtain one million signatures by January 1, 2008. The petition is available at Greenpeace’s website here. Signing the petition shows your support for a moratorium on the importation and sale of genetically modified food.

Bimbo y tortillas

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La description de YouTube:

La empresa Bimbo creo un monopolio para controlar el mercado de maíz en México. Algunos sectores de la población intentaron impedir dicho monopolio pero la empresa con ayuda del gobierno federal logró un amparo. La empresa Bimbo apoyo durante su campaña a Alberto Cárdenas actual secretario de agricultura quien también apoyo el monopolio. En el 2008 se abre la frontera de semillas debido al TLC y Bimbo se ha convertido en el principal importandor de semillas transgénicas. La UNAM ya advirtió sobre los riesgos que esto implica. Bimbo es el principal responsable de la escalade precios de la tortilla. denuncia.

Si, es la verdad, pero el papel de Presidente Fox es muy importante. Mexico necesita a desarrollar la agricultura de maiz en Mexico. Porque, ahora la importación de maíz de los Estado Unidos es malo para la sostenibilidad de comunidades indígenas.

This video and the description blames the increase of tortilla prices and the largest importation of genetically modified seeds on the monopoly of Bimbo. While they may be playing a definite role in it, and I support calling them to make change, we can not forget the role of NAFTA and the recent decisions by the Mexican government. To combat the rising prices of corn, Fox is importing more corn from the U.S. instead of trying to develop the cultivation of Mexican corn.