Tag Archive for 'oaxaca'

Strike in the Zocalo, Oaxaca

I wish I was there to give you my own firsthand account. But, for now, here is a post from libcom.org.

Oaxaca in revolt again: the Zócalo reoccupied, motorway tollbooths “liberated”, roads blockaded
May 22nd, 2008 by Alan
A 21 day series of strikes and occupations by the radical Sección 22 in Oaxaca of the Mexican teachers’ union Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores en la Educación kicked off in earnest on Tuesday. As of Thursday, the strike appears to be spreading - with popular support, solidarity and an increasing volume of activity.The teachers' strike has various demands, although it's mostly calling for the freedom for all political prisoners, an end to the arrest orders and ongoing intimidation by the judicial authorities against the movement, new elections within the SNTE, and the handing over of all Oaxacan schools controlled by the pro-government Sección 59.

Sección 22 was instrumental in the 2006 revolt in Oaxaca, where they saw their strike betrayed by the SNTE national leadership in alliance with the Oaxacan state governor, one Ulises Ruíz Ortíz. Sección 59 was established by the priísta SNTE leader, Elba Ester Gordillo, as a rival local to Sección 22 in Oaxaca, and its members were promptly sent back to work as a means of breaking the strike.

However this time round, there seems to be increasing evidence of the strike's spread into a generalised movement within Oaxaca. On Tuesday, a building belonging to PEMEX (Petróleos Mexicanos - the state petrol monolopy which is on the verge of being privatised) was blockaded, while on Thursday various neighbourhood organisations within the city assisted in the occupation of a Centro de Atención Múltiple, the state institution charged with educating special needs children, which is controlled by Sección 59.

A host of other state and municipal offices have been shut down by blockades, with the aid of various other groups and a tactic of "plantones rotativos" (rotating encampments), as well as part of the Zócalo (the main city square, the centre of the 2006 movement). On Tuesday, a tollbooth on the Oaxaca-Puebla highway was "liberated", with motorists being granted free passage. The last couple of days have also seen the return of activity under the umbrella term of the APPO (Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca - the Popular Assembly of Oaxacan Peoples), although it's unclear as to which faction of the many that claim its true heritage is using the term.

Equally uncertain is the future and potential of this renaissance. Supposedly, the Sección 22 strike will end on 10 June, yet if the movement (if it can be termed thus at this early juncture) continues to expand and spread beyond the remit of their labour-based demands, surely it can't be neatly wrapped up within a predetermined timeframe. SNTE members have also struck in solidarity in Michoacán (north of Oaxaca state up the Pacific coastline) and municipal officials in Chiapas are desperately attempting to avert on the job action there by teachers.

More menacingly, with the scars and trauma of the repression of the 2006 movement still so raw, one has to wonder how much fight Oaxacans have within them. Already, the beleaguered and fantastically incompetent Ulises is attempting to bring Sección 22 to the negotiating table within the next few days. Also, traders around the Centro Histórico of the city are organising against any sort of political activity in the area, in defense of their businesses. It seems almost certain that the reactionary forces of business and government with regroup with their lackeys in Sección 59 in order to respond to the headway made here. Libcom will keep you updated.

Loving Lila

Is there a nicer way to relax from the claustrophobic world of dissertating than to see a live concert of Lila Downs?! Her songs represent an eclectic mix of Mexican, Brazilian, Argentinian, and Cuban melodies. Her band is amazing which also represents talents from around the world—and her harpist is amazing!! I can’t wait for her new CD and the release of The Minimum Wage song–a beautifully political song about crossing the border to work for minimum wage. Below is one of my favorite songs of hers: La Cumbia del Mole. It is all about the wonderfulness of mole and Oaxaca. Now I miss Oaxaca even more.
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Oaxaca’s Radio Wars

I’m sorry for not posting something earlier about the murder of two women who worked at a Oaxacan radio station.

Oaxaca’s Radio Wars
By Charles Mostoller
Despite assassinations, community radio is spreading throughout southern Mexico

“Some people think that we are too young to be informed, but what they should know is that we are too young to die.”

These were the fateful words of Felicitas Martinez Sanchez and Teresa Bautista Merino, two indigenous Triqui radio broadcasters who were assassinated in southern Oaxaca on April 7th.

The two girls, aged 20 and 24, had worked for the recently inaugurated Radio Triqui, “The Voice that Breaks the Silence”, in the autonomous Triqui municipality of San Juan Copala.

San Juan Copala declared autonomy from the state government in January of 2007, unifying more than half of the 24,000 Triqui indigenous peoples into a single municipality, and has faced many obstacles—often violent—in its quest for self-determination.

The community is governed by usos y costumbres, the traditional indigenous form of government which is based around the popular assembly, and has thrown out all of the corrupt political organizations that had been dividing and arming the community.

As part of the community process to start the radio—which began transmitting in January—Martinez and Bautista had been elected by their community to serve as broadcasters.

The National Commission on Human Rights (CNDH, in its Spanish initials) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the United Nations have recently condemned their assassinations and called for a thorough investigation into their deaths.

However, the Attorney General’s Office (PGJ) of Oaxaca has already concluded its investigation, saying that the gunmen had been trying to kill the driver of the vehicle, Faustino Vasquez Martinez, rather than the young radio hosts. Community authorities and other members of Radio Triqui have rejected this finding, blaming the government and local political bosses.

Both Vasquez and family members of the two girls have received death threats and warnings not to speak to the press, and it is unlikely that the gunmen—who Vasquez recognized as fellow Triquis—will be brought to justice.

But despite the threats and the girls murders, Radio Triqui vows to continue its work informing and organizing the residents of San Juan Copala.

The news has shed well-needed international light on the plight of journalists in Mexico, as well as on the difficult and violent political turmoil that consumes the Triqui region. But little attention has been focused on what has become a veritable revolution in Oaxaca: community radio.

Since the popular uprising that shook the state in 2006, when 14 commercial radio stations and one TV network were taken over by the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), the radio has taken on a key role in community organizing.

Although the state government and it’s armed thugs violently took back the occupied radio stations, effectively ending what some leftist thinkers had called the “Oaxaca Commune” and the “first revolution of the 21st century”, indigenous communities all over Oaxaca have created their own radio stations in an attempt to become more autonomous from the tyrannical state government.

Diego Lopez is a 26 year old indigenous Mixe who has helped organize the creation of 17 community radio stations in Oaxaca—including Radio Triqui. He believes that community radio is an essential tool for indigenous communities that are struggling for autonomy.

“The radio offers a community the opportunity to become more informed, for the people to discover their rights,” he said. “It offers an opportunity for them to create their own spaces, which leads the community towards autonomy.”

“I’ve been involved in the creation of many radios, and the results have been very real, very concrete,” he added. “You see how the radio impacts and fights for justice in a community. In the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the radio has helped to stop some of the mega-projects that are part of the Plan Puebla-Panama, like the construction of the Trans-Isthmus super-highway.”

Maria Rivera Aguilar, a 17 year old host for Radio Tezoatlan, “Liberating the Word”, in the Mixteca region, helped teach the two Triqui girls how to use radio equipment. She believes that community radios play a key role in organizing indigenous communities by informing the people of their rights.

“The radio is a way for us to support our communities, for them to get to know their rights, and offers a space where they can express themselves freely,” she said.

“We want things to change, to get better”, added Rivera. “We want to help the population see things how they really are.”

The majority of the community radios that have started up in Oaxaca—few have more than a year on the air—broadcast primarily in indigenous languages, have very simple equipment and weak antennae, and are staffed by the youths of the community—especially young women.

Machismo is deeply ingrained in many communities, and the young female radio hosts have tried to empower other women in their communities by inviting doctors onto the radio to talk about sexual health and sexuality.

Community radio stations also focus on reviving and maintaining indigenous culture, by broadcasting information on the traditions of the community and by playing indigenous music. They have also formed internet broadcasts so that migrants in the U.S.—Oaxaca has more migrants in the U.S. than any other Mexican state—can listen in and keep up on the goings on in their communities.

However, Lopez believes that the most important contribution of community radio is its ability to politicize indigenous pueblos.

“I think the most important benefit is the political impact of the radio. It can divide and it can unify at the same time,” he said. “But the radio is not subversive. We don’t say ‘go get guns and start a revolution’. We inform, we give the community a voice, we give them power and knowledge with what we broadcast, which is always backed up by factual information.”

However, the creating of a community radio station is a difficult and often dangerous endeavor.

“I’ve received various threats, been harassed and persecuted,” said Lopez. “When we began to transmit in Copala, for example, people called the station telling us to ‘shut up’ and threatening us. But these are the threats of people who are afraid that the community learns the truth, because they are the ones who will be pointed out.”

Local and national media, as well as the government, have attacked community radio stations in an effort to present them as criminal operations. It is true that community radio stations do not have legal permits to operate, which are extremely expensive and difficult to obtain, but they have found loopholes in the laws which permit them to operate.

“Ours is a struggle against the system. If we tried to do everything legally, it’s a very difficult process. The government has been promoting a law, along with the major communications companies like TV Azteca and Televisa, that says that indigenous communities do not have the right to operate their own radios. They say that we are pirate radios, but we’re not. They say we are illegal, but we are not operating illegally,” said Lopez.

In fact, during the popular uprising in Oaxaca, when the APPO was in control of most of the radios in the state capital, the state government formed an illegal, pirate radio station called “Citizen Radio” that broadcast the names and addresses of APPO members and incited people to go out and kill them.

The recent deaths of Martinez and Bautista, however, have only created more solidarity among community radios in the Oaxaca, and those involved have vowed to work harder for social justice.

“Their deaths do make me feel threatened,” said Rivera. “But now I’m going to put in more effort so that this doesn’t happen again. There must be justice.”

“The government wants to intimidate us, but we’re only going to work harder,” said Lopez.

“When a community makes the decision to form a radio, here in Mexico, it makes them very vulnerable to violence by the government,” he added. “But I don’t think the communities are going to back down. Once they’ve started the process of creating autonomy, sooner or later they will finish it.”

The Words of Corn

I just came across this video filmed in the high Mixteca region of Oaxaca, Mexico. Corn farmers speak of the problems they face–lack of government support, the low quality of imported corn, and the impact of using fertilizers and chemicals. The video is in Spanish and well worth watching. I really miss Oaxaca!!YouTube Preview Image

You should also check out this recent video from the Washington Post that highlights interviews with Mexican corn farmers and their opinions of NAFTA. It is in Spanish with English subtitles.

I found the above video attached to an interesting article, Don’t Know Much about NAFTA, by Amar Bakshi at the Washington Post. The article is below.

Don’t Know Much About NAFTA

PACHUCA - Few of the tiny cornfields surrounding Pachuca, the capital of the Mexican state of Hidalgo, are larger than five square acres. Most lack irrigation systems and are worked by hand — often by the farmer’s many children — resulting in a harvest of mini-sized maize that pulls in under US$1000 per year. The farming families here find themselves no better off, harvest after harvest. The years go by and the competition stiffens.

So the farmers make bricks, work construction jobs, and collect money from migrant relatives who move to the U.S. to keep afloat. They say they don’t know much about the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), but remain certain it hasn’t done them any good. Yet they blame the Mexican government, not America, for their suffering.

A dozen farmers who’ve spent their lives working their small plots of soil, given to their forbearers after the revolutionary Mexican government redistributed the land in the late 1930s, now spend their Sundays chatting in front of their local farming cooperative in the city center. This decaying concrete building was built over a decade ago to help small farmers claim the assistance their government had promised and then largely failed to deliver.

The men, all wearing jeans and sombreros, assume that NAFTA primarily benefits the United States and its big commercial farms, advanced technology, well-educated workforce, and heavy state subsidies. Oxfam claims these subsidies, which help lower corn prices below production costs, are decimating Mexican corn farmers. But these men do not insist the U.S. stop supporting its farmers. They just want the same assistance from their own government.

It would be easy for locals, especially politicians, to blame the corn farmers’ continued woes here on the United States and NAFTA, but so far that hasn’t happened in Hidalgo, (though it has elsewhere in Mexico). Farmers here say the primary causes of their suffering are big Mexican companies and corrupt local politicians. The Mexican elite, they say, is conspiring against ordinary people for personal gain.

They accuse large, well-known tortilla and bread firms of buying corn cheap in Mexico and hoarding it to inflate the price, though they offer no proof of this. They also accuse national union leaders and local politicians of diverting funds meant to help farmers for personal pleasures, and taking kickbacks from international firms in exchange for bargain business deals in Mexico.

Where does the farmers’ suspicion toward business and political elites come from? They say it’s fueled by years of inept local government, caused by decades of single party rule. They can’t prove vast conspiracies. But they each have a story of a corrupt official — like having to bribe a local authority to get into the bracero program to work in the U.S. The men here don’t read newspapers and rarely watch TV news. They don’t know about America’s presidential elections, and aren’t sure if George Bush or Bill Clinton is currently president. They certainly aren’t aware of the fierce NAFTA debate raging now among the democratic presidential candidates up north.

When I mention U.S. opposition to NAFTA, they tip their hats up to see me clearly and insist, “But there is so much money up there! It’s nothing like here.” They say this from experience, having worked agriculture up north too.

APPO Music On-line

I just stumbled upon this blog, by FPR Oaxaca who kindly posted a few APPO en resistencia music. Most interestingly, are two counter-infomercials that respond to Governor Ruiz’s campaign that labeled APPO as “urban guerilla warfare.” The track labeled Bazzokeros chronicles the events of November 25, 2006. I collected several CDs and DVDs about the Oaxacan movement while I was there and as someone writing about this movement, I am happy to see some of it provided on the internet. This blog also has a previous post featuring some other songs. You can download them onto your computer.

From FPR’s 11/26 post (if you go to the site you can download the music):

Segunda entrega de musica del movimiento popular Oaxaqueño, surgida durante los dias gloriosos de la Comuna de Oaxaca. Cada una de ellas fue realizada como una necesidad que tenia el movimiento, asi, la tematica de cada uno de los info-contracomerciales como de las canciones gira en torno a un evento y en un contexto determinado:

Los contra-informerciales por ejemplo son una respuesta a la campaña mediatica que emprendio URO en contra de la APPO calificandola de “guerrilla urbana”.

Resistencia Oaxaqueña, fue un llamado al magisterio y al pueblo a reforzar la lucha cuando se cernia sobre nuestras cabezas la amenaza de represion. Consulta amañada se refiere a la consulta manipulada que realizo la dirigencia de la Seccion 22 para desmovilizar a las bases del magisterio.

Bazzokeros es una cronica sobre lo ocurrido el 25 de noviembre de 2006, dia de la mas cruel represion en contra del pueblo de Mexico en las ultimas decadas. Por ultimo, a las barricadas en primera fila, es un llamado/instructivo al pueblo de Oaxaca para prepararse en lucha de barricadas para rechazar a los convoyes de la muerte, que noche con noche agredian al pueblo de Oaxaca.

Esperamos disfruten esta seleccionen musical, cualquier sugerencia les agradeceriamos enviarla a fpr_oaxaca@yahoo.com.mx

If you want to see photos from the Oaxacan movement, please don’t forget to check out my photos page.

Because I miss Oaxaca

Because I miss Oaxaca and this song makes me think of it, I share it with you. For some reason, this video was played about once an hour on the television for several months in Mexico. I can now listen to it without going crazy only because I have had some time away. It is a nice song…

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“Perfecta” by Miranda!

New Documentary about APPO

Un Poquito de Tanto Verdad by Corrugated Films is now available for purchase. I just ordered my copy of Jill Friedberg’s new film, but I already viewed it in Oaxaca. It focuses on APPO’s use of alternative media, from COMO’s take-over of state television and radio stations to the use of their own radio stations. It is an interesting portrayal, albeit an obviously positive portrayal of this complicated movement. I recommend it for anyone who would like to learn more about APPO or the role of media in social movements. I also believe it would be an asset in any social movement classroom. I am especially intrigued by the role of women in the movement who have great insight into their own role and power in making change. I’ve met many of the people in the film and I am happy to see their voices made public in this format. My only suggestion is not to use any one film, including this one, as your only source for knowledge about APPO.

Corn Festival in Mexico City

dscf5566.JPGThese past few days have been a wonderful mix of excitement; meeting amazing people, buying tons of products from Mexican artesians, and listening to great speakers. The Sin Maiz No Hay Pais campaign ends January 1, 2008, but is going out with a bang. On October 27, they entertained a huge crowd in the zocalo with a concert in support of the Mexican campesino and for the past few days they have turned their focus to education. This fair is quite different than others I’ve attended (two in Oaxaca) because of its size, diversity in events, and amount of vendors. The Oaxacan fairs were nearly entirely attended by corn farmers, with their voices at center stage, and key presentations by a professor from Chapingo University to discuss the problems of GM corn. Here, farmers are in attendance, but they primarily came as vendors or representatives of campesino organizations to sell their products or offer materials about their organization at tables in the vendor fair. I’m not saying that one certain fair is better than the other, their difference is just clear through the organizations that sponsor the fair. While the other fairs were locally sponsored and held in a small space, this fair is sponsored by a few international organizations along with 300 organizations as part of the campaign. Oxfam paid for most of this event, with major involved by ANEC and GEA.

The fair organizers claim that the importation of US corn, the introduction of GM corn (and other GM seeds), and neoliberal policies in general threaten the livelihood of Mexican farmers and the biodiversity of native seeds. The high rates of immigration and the loss of job opportunities are signs of changes already felt in rural parts of Mexico. This campaign, with its focus on corn, is really a method of bringing awareness to issues facing farmers in general, in addition to the negative consequences of genetically modified corn.

I promise to post photos soon to my photo page. You can also read about this event in yesterday’s La Jornada (in Spanish).